585 results found
This is a transformative period in the US-India relationship. New Delhi should be more self-confident in its ability to shape the trajectory of this engagement
India need not bite the bait, it can use the space created for pushing its own agenda with China which includes resolving our border dispute, getting the Pakistani monkey off our backs and getting better terms of trade from the Chinese. China is unlikely to yield anything easily, but if the emerging Indo-Pacific geopolitics provides an opportunity, New Delhi would be foolish to look the other way.
New Delhi is aware that Pakistan’s military establishment will continue its proxy war, nonetheless, it favours a ceasefire for as long as possible w
The IAF's strikes on the terror camps in Balakot, Muzaffarabad and Chakoti in Pakistan mark a fundamental shift in New Delhi’s approach to its security.
After the United States and its allies left Afghanistan in 2021, analysts expected Russia to fill the vacuum caused by the withdrawal. As far as Moscow itself is concerned, it would like to establish full diplomatic ties with the Taliban regime while it urges Western countries to take accountability and fulfil their responsibilities towards the Afghan people. Indeed, Russia’s desire for security and regional hegemony compels it to selectively e
The popular uprising against the Assad regime in 2011, which gradually evolved into a civil conflict, has been one of contemporary history’s greatest tragedies. The conflict has claimed more than 400,000 lives; over six million Syrians have been internally displaced. India has not joined the call for an end to the Assad-led Baath Party rule over Syria. While this position may not hold much weight on its own, it strengthens with the consolidated
Observer Research Foundation and the Experimental Creativity Centre (ECC), Moscow, completed the second leg of their collaborative research project on the theme "Understanding the Emerging Contours of Power and Hegemony - Contemporary Geo-political Narratives" in New Delhi on March 15-16, 2010.
With its emphasis on decreasing India’s ICT import duties across the board, the US is in a way batting with China against India, not realising that
Both India and Pakistan would have reasons to be satisfied with the joint statement issued at the end of President General Pervez Musharraf's visit to New Delhi from April 16 to 18, 2005, for talks with our Prime Minister Dr.Manmohan Singh.
As bipartisanship on US foreign policy fractures, New Delhi risks becoming a partisan sticking point.
New Delhi must use the opportunity to strengthen its partnership with the US, which in recent years, has made rapid progress.
New Delhi needs the incoming US administration to address the threat of Pakistan based terror in the aftermath of the US election result
Seeking to share the burden in the Indian Ocean, Washington is eager for New Delhi to assume the role of a regional goods provider
Washington is seeking to share onus with New Delhi on continuing the cultivation of strategic ties.
It is a reality today that the US-India relationship is on a somewhat arid plateau. It is unable to meet the expectations placed on it and the reason for that is the increasing lack of what can be called "strategic trust" between New Delhi and Washington.
Washington is seeking an active New Delhi by raising the tempo of US-India defence trade and interoperability agreements.
With the nuclear deal over, New Delhi and Washington need another big idea to power the bilateral relationship over the next several years. Space cooperation has the potential for being that next big idea.
India has significant interests in the Persian Gulf region, but it appears to have dealt itself out of the game by tamely skewing its Middle East policy in favour of the informal US-Saudi Arabia-Israel coalition. Iran was given short shrift as New Delhi went along with Trump’s ‘maximum pressure’ policy on Iran. New Delhi’s motives may have been practical.
B. Raman, former head of the counter-terrorism division of India's external intelligence agency, suggested that India should continue the peace process with Pakistan and should not get involved in this matter involving the US and Pakistan. He said New Delhi should not pressure Islamabad further in Pakistan's hour of 'humiliation'.
Hanoi's decision in granting oil blocks to New Delhi could make China uneasy as Chinese foreign policy, especially towards the South China Sea and the East China Sea, has undergone a major shift in the last few years.
But New Delhi's decision to send a contingent of the Indian Army for the September 1-7 Vostok 2022 military drill in Russia's far east has raised eyebrows, particularly in the West that is trying to isolate Moscow after the Russian invasion of Ukraine. This is a major exercise involving more than 50,000 troops and 5,000 weapons units, including 140 aircraft and 60 warships, with the participation of troops from China, India, Laos, Mongolia, Nicar
For steady growth in the face of fragile geopolitical contestations, New Delhi needs access to different platforms to pursue interests in multiple geographies
Massive populations in many parts of the world, including in India, continue to grapple with lack of access to clean and safe water. This paper studies the case of Delhi. It describes the conditions under which water is produced and supplied to domestic consumers in Delhi and explains the capacity of the water and sewerage agency to discharge its duties. The analysis finds challenges in five aspects related to water supply in Delhi: quantity; qua
Effective public policy needs sound public debates. If New Delhi is to have a serious China strategy, it must be predicated upon how best India can al
The text of the speech delivered by ICWA Director General, Nalin Surie, at the 2nd India Think Tank Forum in New Delhi.
From New Delhi’s perspective, these minilaterals in the Middle East offer wider geopolitical and geoeconomic connections with critical partners
The US interest in West Asia is declining as domestic economic and political uncertainties make it look more and more inwards. The shale oil and gas boom is transforming energy markets with the US likely to emerge as the world's biggest combined oil and gas producer this year. These trends are reshaping the regional order in West Asia and New Delhi will have to respond pro-actively to preserve and enhance its own interests in a strategically crit
As UPA 2 enters the last lap of its tenure, it is not just the Indian economy that is unravelling. New Delhi's loss of purpose and direction in the last few years has had an equally damaging impact on the diplomatic front.
A closer look at what the recent trip meant for bilateral ties between Seoul and New Delhi.
New Delhi is concerned about the political scenario panning out in Sri Lanka but has chosen to not interfere in their domestic issue.
If India is not celebrating too much, it is because India has not been able to get membership in the group that New Delhi covets most — the NSG.
Reported problems with a new communications satellite have once again placed New Delhi’s space capabilities under scrutiny.
Given the trajectory of the China relations — Sri Lanka’s ‘India First’ policy will obviously be confined to bilateral security issues and New
One of the primary objectives for both New Delhi and Tokyo is to prevent the rise of a unipolar Asia dominated by one single hegemonic power. It is this political objective that has been driving the relationship.
A closer look at what relations between Washington and Moscow mean for New Delhi.
Though the decision itself may not have been surprising, the consequences could be serious for New Delhi’s security.
The trip produced a mixed outlook for New Delhi’s perceptions of Beijing’s inroads in the wider Indo-Pacific.
Indian presence is already being felt across the South Asian region, more than in the past. The situation is still evolving. The question is: Should India allow things to continue taking the evolutionary route or jack-boot its way, which is neither des irable, nor workable - and hence unthinkable for New Delhi too!
The Russian president, who will be in New Delhi on December 6, is not just coming to maintain the ‘special, privileged strategic partnership’, but to also deepen bilateral relations
The CPEC may be a bilateral endeavour, but New Delhi cannot ignore its spillover effects on regional governance and regime creation in South Asia
A closer look at what Sri Lanka’s recent election results may mean for ties between New Delhi and Colombo.
A closer look at what the recently released US Missile Defense Review means for New Delhi.
While New Delhi is alive to the realities of the ground situation vis a vis IMBL and the UNCLOS notification, to the governments in India, it is as mu
The rising tempo of Chinese deployments in Tibet should be of concern to New Delhi.
Despite earlier reports that India would actually participate in the Australia-U.S. led military exercise, New Delhi remained an observer of the latest iteration.
From geopolitics to space cooperation, Paris has always been supportive of New Delhi’s decisions
Policymakers in New Delhi face dilemmas from Pakistan, which are two-fold — the real threat Pakistan poses and India’s available responses.
A weaker American presence would only compound New Delhi’s existing Afghan conundrum.
India's objections to Pakistan's plan of holding an election in Gilgit-Baltistan region and New Delhi's protests to Chinese activity there need to seen in the wider context of Sino-Pak nexus.
Any association with New Delhi is still seen as a kiss of death in Pakistani politics.
